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.The period from 1867 to 1874 was the most active and productive in Bakunin’s life, and it was in these years that he wrote all of his major anarchist works.One element of his activities was an ill-advised attempt to influence revolutionary circles in his homeland through collaboration with Sergei Nechaev.Nechaev appeared in Switzerland in 1869, claiming to be the head of a vast revolutionary conspiracy in Russia.He made a great impression on Bakunin, who helped produce a series of propaganda pamphlets for Nechaev to circulate in Russia, sought financing for his activities, and in general lent his name to Nechaev’s enterprise.It gradually became clear that Nechaev in no way merited his confidence.A man of humble origins, he does seem to have hated the existing order, but it was a warped and unprincipled hatred which he was prepared to direct against his friends as well as his enemies.21 Bakunin, for example, had received an advance from a publisher to translate Marx’s Capital into Russian, and when he failed to deliver the translation Nechaev, without Bakunin’s knowledge, wrote a threatening letter to the publisher demanding that he release Bakunin from his obligation.(Marx was to exploit this episode in his campaign against Bakunin in the International.) Nechaev also attempted to seduce Herzen’s daughter in order to draw her into his schemes, and when he and Bakunin finally parted company he stole some of Bakunin’s papers to use for blackmail.Worst of all, it transpired that in Moscow, where he did in fact form a small revolutionary circle, he had persuaded the other members to help him murder one of their number whom he claimed to be an informer.For this deed he was eventually extradited to Russia from Switzerland as a common criminal and spent the rest of his life in prison in particularly brutal conditions.Bakunin’s relationship with Nechaev, which lasted for more than a year, is one of the most closely examined episodes of his life.The greatest controversy has swirled around the authorship of the notorious “Catechism of a Revolutionary.” This most famous literary product of the Nechaev affair is a horrifying credo of the revolutionary as nihilist, a cold-blooded individual who has severed all the personal ties and human feelings binding him to conventional society the better to destroy it.The “Catechism” was found by the Russian police and published in the course of prosecuting the Nechaevists.It had long been assumed that Bakunin was primarily, if not wholly, responsible for the composition of the document.Subsequently discovered evidence, however, indicates that Nechaev was the more likely author, though some contribution by Bakunin cannot be precluded.22This does not absolve Bakunin of responsibility for entering into a partnership with such a sinister and unscrupulous figure.His initial attraction to Nechaev is not difficult to understand: Nechaev was young and energetic and claimed to be an authentic representative of the rising new generation in Russia and a direct link with the revolutionary movement.Wanting to believe him, Bakunin was too quick to accept Nechaev’s claims – and much too slow to perceive their emptiness and Nechaev’s ruthlessness.Interestingly, Bakunin kept his collaboration with Nechaev separate from his other organizational activities both inside and outside the International.Those activities generated a welter of intertwining and overlapping associations, some with both public and secret manifestations, outer and inner circles, like the nesting wooden dolls of Russian folk art.Bakunin first joined the International in 1864, though he remained an inactive member.In the summer of 1868, he became a member of the International’s Geneva Central Section.In September of the same year he formed the International Alliance of Social Democracy (essentially a successor to the International Brotherhood of 1866), which then asked to be admitted to the International.When the latter refused to admit it as a separate body, the International Alliance was dissolved – officially, at least – and in March 1869 was admitted as the Geneva Section of the International.(To make matters even more confusing, there was also a Russian Section in Geneva, whose members supported Marx against Bakunin.) In September of 1872, with a group of Italian and Spanish associates, Bakunin founded the Alliance of Social Revolutionaries, a sequel to (or possibly a continuation of) the Alliance of Social Democracy.A few months earlier, he had formed a Russian Brotherhood, consisting of himself and a handful of young Russian students in Zurich, and in July of 1872 he created with them and a few others the Slavic Section of Zurich, which affiliated with the Jura Federation of the International.Still other secret organizations may have existed, and the attempt to sort them out has bedeviled historians for a hundred years.In most cases, these were nothing more than small circles of like-minded intimates, for whom Bakunin delighted in drawing up elaborate statutes and statements of purpose.At the same time Bakunin was producing an abundant mass of literature.He was an extraordinary letter-writer: at one point in 1870 he claimed that he had written “twenty-three big letters” in the past three days.23 His letters are vigorous, direct, and often very revealing.His theoretical writings, on the other hand, consist mostly of unfinished fragments, few of which were published in his lifetime.Nothing could better illustrate the difference in temperament between him and Marx than the sheer messiness of Bakunin’s literary output.A good example is a major work entitled The Knouto-Germanic Empire and the Social Revolution, which he wrote in 1870–71.Like many of his works, it seemed to escape the control of its creator and take on a life of its own.He wrote to Ogarev, “understand that I started it as a pamphlet but am finishing it as a book.It’s monstrous.”24 And a monster it was, a great sprawling mass, never completed and bristling with fragments, variants, introductions, and addenda.Only part of it appeared in print at the time, but another section, published after Bakunin’s death under the title God and the State, became the best known of Bakunin’s works and has appeared in at least sixteen languages.The outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, and the events that followed it, evoked a strong response from Bakunin.His principal work on the subject was Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis, published in September of 1870, an abridgment of a larger work.In a striking anticipation of Lenin’s policy in the First World War of “turning the imperialist war into a civil war,” Bakunin urged the French to turn their defensive war against the Germans into a popular revolution to transform the French state into a federation of autonomous communes – even at the risk of annihilating themselves and all their property.25 A few days after the defeat of Louis Napoleon, having been informed of plans for a socialist uprising in Lyons, Bakunin resolved “to take my old bones there and probably to play my last role.”26 This was Bakunin’s first opportunity to participate in a real insurrection since 1849.His influence made itself felt with the appearance in the city of a poster issued by the revolutionary committee calling for abolition of “the administrative and governmental machinery of the state,”27 but the uprising itself was quickly suppressed.Bakunin conducted himself with resolution and was briefly arrested, but he managed to flee and made his way back to Switzerland in disguise
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